Simultaneous US-China Military Exercises in the South China Sea

Simultaneous US-China Military Exercises in the South China Sea
⚡ FAST READ1-min read

In early 2026, the simultaneous deployment of large-scale military exercises by the US and China in the South China Sea has elevated the risk of accidental clashes to post-Cold War highs. This is not merely a military demonstration but a manifestation of structural escalation during a period of hegemonic transition, potentially undermining the security order across the entire Indo-Pacific.

── Understand in 3 points ─────────

  • • From January to March 2026, the US Navy conducted "Valiant Shield 2026," a large-scale exercise in the South China Sea centered around two carrier strike groups. Participating forces are estimated to include over 25 vessels and more than 150 aircraft.
  • • The Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) conducted the "South China Sea Sharp Sword 2026" (南海利剣2026) exercise across the entire South China Sea during the same period. Over 30 vessels, including the aircraft carrier "Fujian," participated, deploying large-scale training including simulated amphibious landing operations.
  • • The exercise areas overlapped around the Spratly Islands (南沙諸島) and Paracel Islands (西沙諸島), leading to multiple instances where vessels and aircraft from both militaries approached within tens of kilometers.

── NOW PATTERN ─────────

The spiral of conflict, in which both the US and China are caught in a "security dilemma," is self-reinforcing. One party's deterrent actions heighten the other's perception of threat, inducing further military buildup, a structure that is becoming entrenched.

── Probability and Response ──────

Base case 55% — Frequency of abnormal close encounters stabilizes at 3-5 incidents per month, diplomatic channels are maintained, official statements from both sides mention "restraint," COC negotiations continue at ASEAN meetings.

Bull case 15% — US-China summit or foreign ministers' meeting takes place, agreement on improving military hotline operations, some form of joint fisheries management agreement in the South China Sea, rapid deterioration of Chinese economic indicators.

Bear case 30% — Filipino military casualties, physical collision during exercises, disruption of US-China military communications, China's declaration of an expanded Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea, simultaneous escalation of tensions in the Taiwan Strait.

📡 THE SIGNAL — What Happened

Why it matters: In early 2026, the simultaneous deployment of large-scale military exercises by the US and China in the South China Sea has elevated the risk of accidental clashes to post-Cold War highs. This is not merely a military demonstration but a manifestation of structural escalation during a period of hegemonic transition, potentially undermining the security order across the entire Indo-Pacific.
  • Military — From January to March 2026, the US Navy conducted "Valiant Shield 2026," a large-scale exercise in the South China Sea centered around two carrier strike groups. Participating forces are estimated to include over 25 vessels and more than 150 aircraft.
  • Military — The Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) conducted the "South China Sea Sharp Sword 2026" (南海利剣2026) exercise across the entire South China Sea during the same period. Over 30 vessels, including the aircraft carrier "Fujian," participated, deploying large-scale training including simulated amphibious landing operations.
  • Geopolitics — The exercise areas overlapped around the Spratly Islands (南沙諸島) and Paracel Islands (西沙諸島), leading to multiple instances where vessels and aircraft from both militaries approached within tens of kilometers.
  • Diplomacy — ASEAN nations issued a joint statement expressing "serious concern," but differences in sentiment among member states prevented concrete calls for action. While the Philippines and Vietnam showed the strongest apprehension, Cambodia and Laos maintained a neutral stance.
  • Economy — The South China Sea is a maritime trade route through which approximately one-third of global trade (worth about $5.3 trillion annually) passes. Rising military tensions directly lead to increased maritime insurance premiums and risks of supply chain disruptions.
  • International Law — China continues to disregard the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling (which rejected China's "nine-dash line" claims). The US increased the frequency of its "Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOP)" from twice a month in 2025 to 3-4 times a month in 2026.
  • Technology — China deployed mobile launchers for anti-ship ballistic missiles (DF-21D/DF-26) on its artificial islands in the South China Sea. In response, the US accelerated the operational deployment of its MQ-25 Stingray unmanned aerial refueler.
  • Alliances — The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) — Japan, the US, Australia, and India — discussed the South China Sea situation at their foreign ministers' meeting in February 2026. For the first time, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force dispatched two destroyers to a US military exercise in the South China Sea, effectively conducting a joint exercise.
  • Domestic Politics — 2026 is a US midterm election year, making a tough stance on China a domestic political imperative for the Biden administration (or its successor). On the Chinese side, with the Party Congress in 2027 approaching, the Xi Jinping leadership finds compromise on territorial issues difficult.
  • Military Communications — Although the US-China military hotline (crisis management communication channel) was reopened in 2023, trust-building at the operational level has not progressed, leaving doubts about the immediate response capability in the event of accidental contact.
  • Resources — The South China Sea is estimated to hold 11 billion barrels of oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, making concessions difficult for both countries from an energy security perspective.

To understand the escalating US-China confrontation in the South China Sea, it is necessary to take a long-term view of structural changes spanning at least half a century.

During the Cold War, the South China Sea remained relatively stable under the overwhelming naval power of the United States. China's southward expansion progressed incrementally, such as its seizure of the Paracel Islands from Vietnam (then South Vietnam) in 1974 and its clash with the Vietnamese Navy at Johnson South Reef in the Spratly Islands in 1988, leading to its occupation. However, within the broader framework of US-Soviet rivalry, these were treated as "peripheral events."

A turning point was the 1995 Mischief Reef incident. China constructed structures on Mischief Reef, located within the Philippines' Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), effectively beginning its militarization. This incident clearly demonstrated China's intent to accelerate its maritime expansion under the post-Cold War "unipolar system." However, the US was focused on other regional issues such as Iraq, Bosnia, and Somalia, and its interest in the South China Sea was limited.

In the 2000s, China's economic rise and military modernization accelerated. In 2009, China submitted a "nine-dash line" map to the UN, claiming historical rights over almost the entire South China Sea, which shocked the international community. In response, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton of the Obama administration declared at the 2010 ASEAN Regional Forum that "freedom of navigation in the South China Sea is a US national interest," clearly signaling the US's serious commitment to the security of this region. This was the core of the so-called "Pivot to Asia" policy.

Since 2013, China has rapidly advanced "island building," reclaiming large areas of reefs and shoals in the Spratly Islands to construct artificial islands. 3,000-meter-class runways were built on Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef, and Mischief Reef, along with radar facilities, anti-air and anti-ship missiles, and hangars. Despite President Xi Jinping's promise to President Obama at their 2015 summit that China would "not militarize the South China Sea," this militarization steadily progressed.

The 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling was a landmark decision that completely rejected China's claims of historical rights based on the nine-dash line. However, China dismissed it as "a piece of paper" and refused to acknowledge the legal binding force of the ruling. At this point, the path to dispute resolution through international law was effectively closed.

The Trump administration (first term) strengthened "Freedom of Navigation Operations" and increased the US military presence in the South China Sea. The Biden administration further expanded this, adopting a multilateral approach that emphasized cooperation with allies. It advanced the construction of a security network surrounding China, including the establishment of AUKUS (Australia-UK-US security partnership), the elevation of QUAD to a leaders' level, and the expansion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the Philippines.

However, from China's perspective, these "deterrence enhancements" were nothing less than "containment." In response, China accelerated its military buildup and coercive actions, deepening the "security dilemma." Since 2023, incidents of water cannon attacks and collisions by the China Coast Guard against Philippine resupply vessels have become frequent, and tensions around Second Thomas Shoal (仁愛礁) have reached dangerous levels.

The situation in 2026 is at a "critical juncture" of this decades-long structural conflict. The US needs to demonstrate the reliability of its alliance network to maintain its hegemony, while China, under the national goal of "the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation," finds territorial concessions politically impossible. In a structure where neither side can back down, the risk of accidental contact leading to unintended escalation is higher than ever before. This "spiral of conflict" forms a self-reinforcing feedback loop where one party's deterrent actions heighten the other's perception of threat, prompting further military buildup, and has entered a phase where deceleration is difficult without external intervention.

The delta: The simultaneous US-China military exercises in early 2026 indicate a structural shift from previous "action-reaction" sequential escalation to a state of "constant confrontation." The situation where both sides conduct large-scale exercises simultaneously in the same waters not only dramatically increases the probability of accidental clashes but also signifies the arrival of a new phase where "escalation without prior notice" becomes the norm.

🔍 BETWEEN THE LINES — What the Reports Aren't Saying

Superficially, it's a conflict over "freedom of navigation" versus "territorial sovereignty," but the essential driving force lies elsewhere. For the US, the South China Sea is a rehearsal space for a Taiwan contingency, and maintaining a military presence here is a direct signal of its defense commitment to Taiwan. China is well aware of this, and restricting US military activities in the South China Sea is synonymous with undermining its ability to intervene in Taiwan. In other words, military exercises in the South China Sea function not "for the South China Sea" but as a "proxy battlefield for the Taiwan Strait." Furthermore, the fact that both sides' defense industries profit from sustained tensions, structurally weakening incentives for de-escalation, is rarely discussed in official reports.


NOW PATTERN

Spiral of Conflict × Overextension of Power × Alliance Fissures

The spiral of conflict, in which both the US and China are caught in a "security dilemma," is self-reinforcing. One party's deterrent actions heighten the other's perception of threat, inducing further military buildup, a structure that is becoming entrenched.

Intersection of Dynamics

The three dynamics—spiral of conflict, overextension of power, and alliance fissures—are mutually reinforcing, pushing the South China Sea situation toward greater instability.

The more the spiral of conflict accelerates, the more military spending by both the US and China increases, raising the risk of overextension of power. The US is compelled to maintain commitments in multiple regions simultaneously, making resource dispersion inevitable. China must continue its military expansion amidst economic headwinds, sacrificing domestic social investment. This fiscal pressure creates an urgency for leaders in both countries to "secure an advantageous position now," further accelerating the spiral of conflict.

Concurrently, intensifying conflict exposes fissures within alliances. As escalation progresses, nations face the fundamental question of "how much risk to take," leading to widening differences in sentiment. Frontline states like the Philippines seek strong US involvement, while states pursuing strategic autonomy, such as Indonesia and India, tend to distance themselves, wary of entanglement risks. These alliance fissures provide China with opportunities for "divide and conquer," reducing the credibility of US deterrence. Decreased deterrence emboldens China's actions, further spinning the spiral of conflict.

Furthermore, as the overextension of power progresses, the ability to provide reassurance to allies diminishes. If the US exposes the limits of its military power, allies will strengthen fundamental doubts about whether "the US will truly protect us," leading them to pursue their own military buildups (e.g., Japan's doubling of defense spending, Australia's acquisition of submarines) or independent dealings with China (hedging). This further weakens alliance cohesion and expands China's "room for division."

It is at the intersection of these three dynamics that the inherent danger of the 2026 South China Sea crisis lies. Structural forces are mutually reinforcing, creating "systemic risks" that cannot be controlled by individual crisis management efforts alone (hotlines, accidental collision prevention agreements). Historically, junctures where such complex structural pressures intersect have been breeding grounds for unpredictable escalation, much like the Balkan crisis on the eve of World War I or the Berlin crises during the Cold War.


📚 PATTERN HISTORY

1914: Balkan Crisis Before World War I

Spiral of Conflict

Structural similarities to the present: The rigidification of alliance systems and the accumulation of mutual distrust led to the escalation from a localized incident in Sarajevo to a world war. A classic example of the "security dilemma" among great powers spiraling out of control.

1962: Cuban Missile Crisis

Risk of Accidental Clash and Crisis Management

Structural similarities to the present: The US and Soviet Union approached the brink of nuclear war but averted crisis through back-channel diplomacy and the provision of "off-ramps" by both sides. What is lacking in current US-China relations is precisely this kind of reliable crisis management mechanism.

1988: US Navy and Iranian Navy Clash in the Persian Gulf (Operation Praying Mantis)

Military Clash from Accidental Contact

Structural similarities to the present: In the Persian Gulf during the Iran-Iraq War, the US Navy suffered damage from an Iranian mine, leading to retaliatory attacks. An example of limited maritime contact escalating into an unexpected military clash.

2001: Hainan Island Incident (EP-3 Reconnaissance Aircraft Collision)

US-China Military Accidental Incident

Structural similarities to the present: A US Navy EP-3 reconnaissance aircraft and a Chinese Navy J-8 fighter jet collided in the airspace over the South China Sea. The Chinese pilot died, and the US aircraft made an emergency landing on Hainan Island. It took 11 days for a diplomatic resolution, demonstrating how a military accidental incident can escalate into a major diplomatic crisis.

2012-2016: South China Sea Artificial Island Construction and Arbitration Ruling

Fait Accompli and Limits of International Law

Structural similarities to the present: China physically altered the status quo through artificial island construction and maintained effective control despite a legal defeat in the arbitration ruling. This demonstrated a structure where the lack of international law enforcement allows for "changes to the status quo by force."

Patterns from History

Historical patterns reveal three crucial lessons. First, a spiral of conflict between great powers can escalate from localized incidents into uncontrollable situations if institutional safety valves (confidence-building measures, crisis communication, intermediate mediators) fail to function. The structural similarities between the 1914 Balkan Crisis and the 2026 South China Sea situation are eerily convergent in terms of alliance rigidification and the accumulation of mutual distrust. Second, accidental military clashes are not "impossible" but "a matter of time." As demonstrated by the 1988 Persian Gulf and 2001 Hainan Island incidents, if a state of confrontation becomes normalized, an accident will probabilistically occur eventually. The question is not whether an accident will happen, but whether it can be controlled once it does. Third, a fait accompli strategy (like the artificial island construction from 2012-2016) may succeed in the short term but accelerates the spiral of conflict in the long run, ultimately creating greater risks. China's artificial island construction did not immediately trigger military conflict, but it prompted military responses from the US and its allies, becoming a direct cause of the current dangerous standoff. History teaches that failures in crisis management always occur in "unforeseen" ways.


🔮 NEXT SCENARIOS

55%Base case
15%Bull case
30%Bear case
55%Base case scenario

Throughout 2026, no direct military conflict will occur between the US and China, but accidental close encounters and standoff incidents (abnormal vessel approaches, aircraft near misses, Coast Guard coercive actions) will continue several times a month. Neither side desires an all-out conflict, and a "chicken game" at the operational level will become normalized. Obstruction by the China Coast Guard will persist around Second Thomas Shoal in the Philippines, but it will not escalate to physical use of force. The US-China military hotline will be formally maintained, but no effective crisis management mechanism will be established. ASEAN will limit itself to expressing concern in joint statements, and no substantive agreement on a Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea will be reached. Maritime insurance premiums will rise by 20-30% annually, and some commercial vessels will begin to choose alternative routes. A slight window for de-escalation may open after the US midterm elections in November 2026, but structural confrontation will continue. This "managed confrontation" scenario is an extension of the current situation where both leaderships recognize the costs of full-scale conflict but are politically unable to make concessions domestically.

Implications for Investment/Action: Frequency of abnormal close encounters stabilizes at 3-5 incidents per month, diplomatic channels are maintained, official statements from both sides mention "restraint," COC negotiations continue at ASEAN meetings

15%Bull case scenario

A scenario where some significant accidental incident (without human casualties) occurs in mid-2026, paradoxically becoming a catalyst for crisis management. For example, a minor collision between US and Chinese vessels or a drone collision occurs, leading both sides to recognize that "things will become uncontrollable" and agree to establish concrete crisis management mechanisms (an enhanced version of the Agreement on the Prevention of Incidents at Sea, real-time military communication protocols). In this "miniature Cuban Missile Crisis" scenario, the crisis acts as a catalyst for trust-building. Furthermore, a severe slowdown in the Chinese economy might compel the Xi Jinping leadership to prioritize economic recovery over diplomatic confrontation. On the US side, there might be room for diplomatic initiatives during the "lame duck" period after the midterm elections. A minilateral dialogue framework mediated by ASEAN could also function, potentially leading to an agreement on operational rules in certain areas of the South China Sea. However, the probability of this scenario is low because the domestic political environments of both sides make compromise extremely difficult, and strong political will from both leaders is required to transform a crisis into an "opportunity."

Implications for Investment/Action: US-China summit or foreign ministers' meeting takes place, agreement on improving military hotline operations, some form of joint fisheries management agreement in the South China Sea, rapid deterioration of Chinese economic indicators

30%Bear case scenario

A scenario where a significant military clash (an incident involving human casualties) occurs between the US and China in the South China Sea during 2026. The most probable pathways are as follows: First, obstruction by the China Coast Guard against Philippine resupply vessels escalates, resulting in injuries or deaths of Filipino military personnel. The Philippines requests the activation of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty, compelling the US to respond militarily. Second, US and Chinese vessels or aircraft physically collide during exercises, leading to crew casualties. If the response after the collision is inappropriate (e.g., an overreaction by an on-site commander), it could escalate into limited engagement. Third, in conjunction with tensions in the Taiwan Strait, China rapidly expands its military presence in the South China Sea, and the US deems this a "red line," taking military action. In any pathway, as it would be a direct clash between nuclear-armed states, escalation management would be critically important, but the fragility of existing crisis management mechanisms amplifies the risk. If this scenario materializes, the impact on the global economy would be immense, with temporary closure of South China Sea maritime routes, severe disruption of global supply chains, and a financial market crash expected. Oil prices would temporarily surge above $120, and the risk of global stagflation would become evident.

Implications for Investment/Action: Filipino military casualties, physical collision during exercises, disruption of US-China military communications, China's declaration of an expanded Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea, simultaneous escalation of tensions in the Taiwan Strait

Notable Triggers

  • Physical obstruction by the China Coast Guard against Philippine resupply missions at Second Thomas Shoal (仁愛礁) and the occurrence of human casualties: April-June 2026 (dry season, when sea conditions are stable and activities intensify)
  • Sharpening of China policy and increased political pressure for "decisive action in the South China Sea" leading up to the US midterm elections (November 2026): July-November 2026 (election campaign period)
  • Intensification of military demonstrations aimed at strengthening Xi Jinping's authority in preparation for the 21st National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Autumn 2027): Late 2026 - Early 2027
  • Breakdown or significant setback in Code of Conduct (COC) negotiations at the ASEAN Summit (scheduled for October 2026): October 2026
  • Large-scale Chinese military exercises in the Taiwan Strait and their coordinated/simultaneous deployment with South China Sea operations: Throughout 2026 (especially around the Tiananmen Square anniversary in May-June, and National Day in October)

🔄 TRACKING LOOP

Next Trigger: Next resupply mission to Second Thomas Shoal in the Philippines (scheduled for April 2026) — The intensity of the China Coast Guard's response will be the most critical indicator determining the future pace of escalation.

Continuation of this pattern: Tracking Theme: US-China South China Sea Standoff — The next milestones are the success or failure of the Second Thomas Shoal resupply mission in April-May 2026, and whether a US-China defense ministers' meeting materializes at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June 2026.

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