U.S.-China Military Tensions in the South China

U.S.-China Military Tensions in the South China
⚡ FAST READ1-min read

In early 2026, US and Chinese military exercises in the South China Sea are overlapping in time and space, raising the risk of accidental clashes to post-Cold War highs. A structure is forming where allies, including Japan, could be drawn into a chain reaction, marking a turning point for the security order across the Indo-Pacific.

── Understand in 3 points ─────────

  • • From January to March 2026, the US Navy conducted "Freedom of Navigation Operations" (FONOPs) in the South China Sea at a record frequency of over three times a month. An unprecedented posture of simultaneously deploying two aircraft carrier strike groups was adopted.
  • • The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) conducted large-scale live-fire exercises in the South China Sea in February 2026. The exercise area was set broadly from the Paracel Islands to the Spratly Islands, affecting civilian navigation.
  • • The operation of the US-China military hotline, agreed upon at the APEC San Francisco summit in November 2025, has effectively stalled since the beginning of 2026. Reports indicate that the Chinese side has delayed responding to communication tests.

── NOW PATTERN ─────────

US-China tensions in the South China Sea have entered a "spiral of conflict" structure, where actions by one side provoke reactions from the other, leading to further countermeasures. This spiral is amplified by "power overstretch" due to domestic politics in both countries and the risk of "alliance strain" from misaligned interests within alliance relationships.

── Probability and Response ──────

Base case 55% — Signs of informal resumption of the US-China military hotline, diplomatic resolution patterns after China-Philippines clashes in the Philippines, changes in wording of joint statements at ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meetings

Bull case 20% — Phone calls between US and Chinese leaders or mutual dispatch of special envoys, changes in China Coast Guard's behavior patterns (decrease in aggressive actions), announcement of new mediation initiatives by the ASEAN chair country

Bear case 25% — Sharp increase in close encounters between US and Chinese military aircraft and vessels (over 20 incidents per month), sudden announcement of large-scale Chinese military exercises in the South China Sea, clashes involving casualties between China and the Philippines over the resupply of Ayungin Shoal, deployment of a third US aircraft carrier strike group to the South China Sea

📡 THE SIGNAL — What Happened

Why it matters: In early 2026, US and Chinese military exercises in the South China Sea are overlapping in time and space, raising the risk of accidental clashes to post-Cold War highs. A structure is forming where allies, including Japan, could be drawn into a chain reaction, marking a turning point for the security order across the Indo-Pacific.
  • Military Trends — From January to March 2026, the US Navy conducted "Freedom of Navigation Operations" (FONOPs) in the South China Sea at a record frequency of over three times a month. An unprecedented posture of simultaneously deploying two aircraft carrier strike groups was adopted.
  • Military Trends — The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) conducted large-scale live-fire exercises in the South China Sea in February 2026. The exercise area was set broadly from the Paracel Islands to the Spratly Islands, affecting civilian navigation.
  • Diplomacy — The operation of the US-China military hotline, agreed upon at the APEC San Francisco summit in November 2025, has effectively stalled since the beginning of 2026. Reports indicate that the Chinese side has delayed responding to communication tests.
  • Alliance Relations — Japan achieved over 2% of GDP for its defense budget for the first time in fiscal year 2026. Plans to deploy long-range missiles to the Nansei Islands are being accelerated, and troop reinforcements on Yonaguni Island and Ishigaki Island are being expedited.
  • Economy — Trade volume passing through the South China Sea amounts to approximately $5.3 trillion annually, with about 30% of global trade transiting this area. The heightened risk of conflict directly impacts global supply chains through increased insurance premiums.
  • Legal Framework — China continues to ignore the 2016 arbitral tribunal ruling (which rejected China's nine-dash line claim). Artificial islands in the Spratly Islands are reportedly equipped with radar facilities, runways, and anti-ship missiles.
  • Technology — China Coast Guard vessels, equipped with military-grade water cannons and acoustic weapons, have intensified their harassment of Philippine resupply vessels since late 2025. So-called "gray zone tactics" have become normalized.
  • Domestic Politics — In the US, with the 2026 midterm elections approaching, a hardline stance against China has become a bipartisan political asset. Neither party can politically tolerate a retreat in the South China Sea.
  • Domestic Politics — In China, the Xi Jinping administration has positioned the construction of a "maritime power" as a core interest, linked to rising domestic nationalism. Concessions in the South China Sea risk directly threatening its power base.
  • Alliance Relations — The Philippines has expanded the rotational deployment of US forces based on the 2023 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) between the US and the Philippines. The China-Philippines dispute over Ayungin Shoal (Second Thomas Shoal) has become the frontline of US-China rivalry.
  • Regional Affairs — ASEAN countries are increasingly frustrated by the stagnation of negotiations for a Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea, but China's economic influence continues to prevent a unified response.
  • Military Technology — The US military has deployed the Typhoon intermediate-range missile system to northern the Philippines. China has strongly reacted to this as "destroying strategic stability" and has hinted at countermeasures.

To understand the current escalation of US-China tensions in the South China Sea, at least three historical contexts must be overlaid.

First, there is China's long-term trajectory of maritime expansion. The "eleven-dash line" drawn by the Republic of China in 1947 (later revised to the "nine-dash line" by the People's Republic of China) has been the basis for its territorial claims over almost the entire South China Sea. However, it was only after the 2010s that this claim began to be backed by military presence. Large-scale artificial island construction in the Spratly Islands, which began around 2013, proceeded at a speed exceeding international expectations, and militarization accelerated even after the 2016 arbitral tribunal ruling legally rejected China's claims. The Xi Jinping administration has positioned the construction of a "maritime power" as an indispensable element of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, making effective control of the South China Sea a pillar of its domestic legitimacy.

Second, there is the shift in the US Indo-Pacific strategy. The Obama administration's "pivot to Asia" was grand in concept but limited in execution due to ongoing involvement in the Middle East. The first Trump administration (2017-2021) championed a "free and open Indo-Pacific" but left alliance relationships unstable. The Biden administration (2021-2025) built a multi-layered network of deterrence against China through AUKUS, US-Japan-Philippines trilateral cooperation, and Quad strengthening. The second Trump administration (2025-) has inherited some of the previous administration's alliance networks but is pursuing a more unilateral China policy. As a result, the US military presence in the South China Sea has expanded quantitatively, but coordination mechanisms with allies are more prone to friction.

Third, there is the structural change in the regional order. Post-Cold War stability in Asia was supported by three pillars: overwhelming US military power, China's focus on economic growth, and multilateral dialogue mechanisms centered on ASEAN. However, all three pillars have weakened due to the narrowing military power gap between the US and China, the division of ASEAN by China's expanding economic influence, and the prolonged stagnation of negotiations for a Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. Especially since the 2020s, with the normalization of the China Coast Guard's "gray zone operations," the very definition of traditional military conflict has become ambiguous, making escalation management significantly more difficult.

So, why is the risk particularly high "now"? There are multiple direct triggers. First, physical clashes between China and the Philippines over the resupply of Ayungin Shoal intensified from late 2025, bringing the application of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty to the forefront of policy discussions. Second, the US deployment of the Typhoon intermediate-range missile system to northern the Philippines in 2025 led China to perceive its South China Sea strategy as being under direct military threat. Furthermore, the effective dysfunction of US-China military dialogue channels since early 2026 has structurally increased the risk of accidental contact escalating into uncontrollable situations.

In addition, the domestic politics of both countries are creating an "escalator from which they cannot get off." In the US, with the 2026 midterm elections approaching, being perceived as soft on China is tantamount to political suicide. In China, concessions on maritime interests are considered impossible for the Xi Jinping administration to maintain its power base in its third term. This extreme narrowing of political space for diplomatic solutions on both sides is the structural factor making the South China Sea situation in 2026 more dangerous than at any previous time.

Historically, military conflicts between great powers do not always begin with intentional declarations of war. Rather, they often start with "accidental" incidents triggered when both sides misinterpret each other's intentions, communication channels for de-escalation fail, and domestic politics do not allow for retreat. The current situation in the South China Sea is precisely meeting these conditions.

The delta: Since the beginning of 2026, the operational tempo of both US and Chinese militaries in the South China Sea has simultaneously accelerated, while military dialogue channels designed to prevent accidental clashes have effectively become dysfunctional. This means that tensions in the South China Sea are transitioning from "managed competition" to a phase of "uncontrollable escalation risk." The critical change is that the domestic politics of both sides have created a structure that does not allow for "retreat," severely narrowing diplomatic off-ramps.

🔍 BETWEEN THE LINES — What the News Isn't Saying

While "freedom of navigation" and "maintenance of international law" are officially emphasized, the fundamental driving force behind the expansion of US military presence in the South China Sea is preparation for a Taiwan contingency. The South China Sea is the "southern flank" of the Taiwan Strait, and the deployment posture of US forces here is directly linked to strategic positioning to block Chinese approaches from the south in the event of a Taiwan contingency. China, too, clearly recognizes that effective control of the South China Sea is indispensable for securing strategic depth in a Taiwan unification scenario, which is precisely why there is extremely little room for compromise. In other words, the South China Sea issue is not merely a South China Sea issue; it is increasingly taking on the character of a "proxy battlefield" for the Taiwan issue—this is the greatest structural truth not discussed in official reports.


NOW PATTERN

Spiral of Conflict × Power Overstretch × Alliance Strain

US-China tensions in the South China Sea have entered a "spiral of conflict" structure, where actions by one side provoke reactions from the other, leading to further countermeasures. This spiral is amplified by "power overstretch" due to domestic politics in both countries and the risk of "alliance strain" from misaligned interests within alliance relationships.

Intersection of Dynamics

The three dynamics of "spiral of conflict," "power overstretch," and "alliance strain" form a mutually reinforcing and amplifying structure. This interaction is the core reason why the South China Sea situation in 2026 is structurally more dangerous than at any previous time.

The spiral of conflict continuously increases the frequency and intensity of military actions by both the US and China. This acceleration of military operational tempo demands that both countries concentrate their strategic resources in the South China Sea, accelerating power overstretch. The awareness of overstretch increases pressure to shift burdens onto allies, making interest alignment within alliances more difficult. Alliance strain—especially doubts about the reliability of US commitments—provides China with opportunities for "divide and conquer," further accelerating the spiral of conflict.

Even more dangerous is the feedback loop where these dynamics interact with domestic politics. The spiral of conflict stimulates nationalism in domestic public opinion, which narrows the scope of action for policymakers, solidifying a "no retreat" structure despite overstretch. Alliance strain polarizes domestic security debates between "strengthening self-help efforts" and "deepening alliance dependence," hindering the formation of a consistent strategy.

This triple interaction structurally increases the risk of so-called "sleepwalking." Each actor perceives its own actions as rational and defensive, yet the system as a whole irreversibly progresses towards escalation. Individual decisions may be rational, but their accumulation leads to irrational outcomes—this is a classic pattern of great power conflict, and it is precisely the structure the South China Sea currently faces.

The only structural brakes are the remnants of economic interdependence and nuclear deterrence. However, as economic decoupling progresses, the former's restraining power is diminishing, and nuclear deterrence does not necessarily prevent limited conflicts at the conventional force level. This "stability-instability paradox" may paradoxically be increasing the risk of limited military conflict in the South China Sea.


📚 PATTERN HISTORY

1914: Outbreak of World War I

Accidental Escalation due to Security Dilemma and Alliance Chains

Structural Similarities to the Present: Military buildup perceived as "defensive" by each nation and the automatic chain reaction of alliance obligations escalated an accidental incident like the Sarajevo assassination into a full-scale war. The lack of communication channels and the rigidity of mobilization schedules deprived policymakers of time for diplomatic solutions.

1962: Cuban Missile Crisis

Military Standoff between Great Powers and Risk of Accidental Clash

Structural Similarities to the Present: The US and Soviet Union stood on the brink of nuclear war, but direct communication between Kennedy and Khrushchev (including backchannels) ultimately averted the crisis. This experience led to the establishment of a hotline, but it also showed that the mere existence of communication channels does not guarantee crisis avoidance.

2001: Hainan Island Incident (EP-3 Incident)

Accidental Military Contact and Escalation Management between US and China

Structural Similarities to the Present: A US reconnaissance plane and a Chinese fighter jet collided in mid-air over the South China Sea, killing the Chinese pilot and forcing the US plane to make an emergency landing on Hainan Island. The crew was released after 11 days of detention, but a diplomatic resolution required considerable time and political cost. Currently, the military presence of both sides is orders of magnitude larger than at that time, and the probability and frequency of accidental contact are significantly higher.

1988: Sino-Vietnamese Naval Battle in the Spratly Islands (Johnson South Reef Skirmish)

Military Clash over Effective Control in the South China Sea

Structural Similarities to the Present: China and Vietnam engaged in direct military conflict over control of the Spratly Islands, resulting in over 70 Vietnamese casualties. This clash became a catalyst for China to seriously establish its military presence in the Spratly Islands, teaching Beijing that accumulating faits accomplis leads to long-term strategic gains.

1996: Third Taiwan Strait Crisis

Balance of Military Intimidation and Deterrence

Structural Similarities to the Present: The US confronted China's missile exercises targeting the Taiwanese presidential election by deploying two aircraft carriers. Direct conflict was avoided, but China used this "humiliation" as a driving force for military modernization, leading to the narrowing of the military power gap seen today, 30 years later. This is a paradoxical case where short-term deterrence success accelerated a long-term spiral of conflict.

Patterns Revealed by History

The most important pattern revealed by historical precedents is that military conflicts between great powers arise not from "intent" but from "structure." In Europe in 1914, despite no leader desiring a full-scale war, the automatic chain reaction of alliances and the rigidity of mobilization schedules transformed a single gunshot in Sarajevo into a world war. In the Cuban Missile Crisis, the existence of backchannels barely averted nuclear war, but this was more a matter of luck, dependent on the personal judgment of Kennedy and Khrushchev, rather than a structural safety mechanism.

The 2001 Hainan Island Incident is a direct precedent showing that accidental contact in the South China Sea can escalate, but the scale of military presence, the depth of mutual distrust, and the pressure of domestic politics are all orders of magnitude greater now than then. The 1988 Johnson South Reef Skirmish reminds us that military conflict in the South China Sea is not "impossible" but "has already happened." And the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis teaches the paradox that short-term deterrence success can accelerate a long-term arms race.

Projecting these precedents onto the current situation in 2026, the greatest concern is the combination of "increased military density in the absence of communication channels." By overlaying the lessons of the Cuban Missile Crisis (the importance of dialogue) and the Hainan Island Incident (the reality of accidental contact), it is clear that the current South China Sea is structurally in its most dangerous state.


🔮 NEXT SCENARIOS

55%Base case
20%Bull case
25%Bear case
55%Base case Scenario

Throughout 2026, US-China tensions in the South China Sea will remain high, but without direct military conflict (engagement involving gunfire). However, physical contact between China Coast Guard vessels and Philippine ships (water cannons, ramming, laser illumination, etc.) will increase in both frequency and intensity, further blurring the "gray zone" boundaries. Both the US and China will maintain a hardline stance domestically, but in actual military operations, they will barely manage to keep implicit codes of conduct (e.g., maintaining a certain distance, informal maintenance of communication channels) functional to avoid accidental clashes. In the latter half of 2026, there is a possibility that some form of military dialogue between the US and China will be sought, leveraging the political leeway after the midterm elections. Japan will proceed with strengthening its defense posture in the Nansei Islands as planned but will avoid direct military involvement in the South China Sea. The Philippines will maintain its resupply missions to Ayungin Shoal, but several physical clashes with the China Coast Guard will occur, leading to concrete discussions about the application of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty. ASEAN diplomacy will stagnate, and COC negotiations will be effectively shelved. Economically, maritime insurance premiums related to the South China Sea will rise by another 10-15%, and rerouting will become normalized for some shipping lanes.

Implications for Investment/Action: Signs of informal resumption of the US-China military hotline, diplomatic resolution patterns after China-Philippines clashes in the Philippines, changes in wording of joint statements at ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meetings

20%Bull case Scenario

Tensions in the South China Sea significantly ease due to some diplomatic breakthrough. The most likely scenario is that a serious close encounter (near-miss or minor physical contact) occurring in the first half of 2026 serves as a wake-up call, leading both the US and China to agree on rebuilding crisis management mechanisms. In this scenario, the military hotline, which stalled in late 2025, becomes fully operational by mid-2026, and specific codes of conduct (e.g., prohibition of provocative actions within a certain distance, agreement on emergency communication protocols) are formulated to prevent accidental contact at sea and in the air. Furthermore, some progress is seen in the Code of Conduct (COC) negotiations for the South China Sea, potentially leading to at least a provisional agreement or the signing of a partial framework. Underlying factors could include a slowdown in the Chinese economy prompting the Xi Jinping administration to recognize the need for diplomatic stability, the US needing to allocate resources to other regional crises (Middle East or Europe) and thus seeking de-escalation in the South China Sea, and the ASEAN chair country (Malaysia in 2026) playing an active mediating role. However, even in this optimistic scenario, the fundamental territorial disputes in the South China Sea would remain unresolved, and the easing of tensions would likely be temporary.

Implications for Investment/Action: Phone calls between US and Chinese leaders or mutual dispatch of special envoys, changes in China Coast Guard's behavior patterns (decrease in aggressive actions), announcement of new mediation initiatives by the ASEAN chair country

25%Bear case Scenario

A military conflict (involving gunfire, missile launches, or damage to vessels/aircraft) occurs between the US and China in the South China Sea. The most likely scenario is one where accidental contact escalates. Specifically, physical contact between a China Coast Guard or Navy vessel and a US military vessel, followed by a retaliatory action, triggers a chain of escalation. The characteristic of this scenario is that, even though neither side intends full-scale war, the response to an accidental incident spirals out of control. Dysfunction of communication channels, errors in judgment by on-site commanders, or the rapid spread of information via social media inflaming domestic public opinion, deprive policymakers of time for calm judgment. If a conflict occurs, its impact will vary greatly depending on its scope and duration, but the most probable form is a "limited maritime conflict"—engagement lasting several hours to several days in a specific area. While nuclear deterrence would likely prevent escalation to full-scale war, even a limited conflict would trigger a cascade of effects: a sharp drop in global financial markets (10-20% stock market decline), disruption of supply chains, a surge in oil prices (over $120 per barrel), and a test of alliance relationships (turmoil over Japan's and Australia's responses). For Japan, this would be a historic turning point, forcing a real policy decision on the exercise of collective self-defense. Spillover to Taiwan is also a concern, potentially fundamentally altering the security environment across the entire Indo-Pacific.

Implications for Investment/Action: Sharp increase in close encounters between US and Chinese military aircraft and vessels (over 20 incidents per month), sudden announcement of large-scale Chinese military exercises in the South China Sea, clashes involving casualties between China and the Philippines over the resupply of Ayungin Shoal, deployment of a third US aircraft carrier strike group to the South China Sea

Key Triggers to Watch

  • Clashes involving casualties between China and the Philippines at Ayungin Shoal (Second Thomas Shoal): April-September 2026 (linked to resupply mission cycles)
  • Official resumption or confirmed complete cessation of the US-China military hotline: To be determined by June 2026
  • Conduct of large-scale Chinese military exercises in the South China Sea and corresponding US military deployments: Summer 2026 (July-August) is the highest risk period
  • Changes in US policy towards China around the 2026 US midterm elections (November): September-December 2026
  • Content of South China Sea-related statements at the ASEAN Summit (Autumn 2026): October-November 2026

🔄 TRACKING LOOP

Next Trigger: Ayungin Shoal Philippine resupply mission April-May 2026 — The intensity of the China Coast Guard's response will be a decisive signal for future discussions on the application of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty.

Continuation of this Pattern: Tracking Theme: US-China Conflict Spiral in the South China Sea — The next milestone is large-scale Chinese military exercises in Summer 2026 and the US military's response. Watch whether the US midterm elections in November 2026 open a window for policy change.

>

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